In and around the linguistics department in the next week:
- Fieldwork Forum - Wednesday Sep 16 - Zoom - 3-4pm
Peter Jenks (UC Berkeley): Audience and authorship in the Moro Grammar project. - Language Variation and Change Working Group - Tuesday Sep 15 - Zoom - 3-4pm
Discussion of Hawkey 2019. Please email Annie Helms for the Zoom link and/or to be added to the bCourses site. - Phonetics and Phonology Forum - Friday Sep 11 - Zoom - 3-4pm
Nicholas Rolle (Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft; PhD 2018): First-last harmony or outward-looking allomorphy in Cilungu grammatical tone.
Please email Anna Björklund or Dakota Robinson for the Zoom link and/or to be added to the Phorum mailing list. - Syntax and Semantics Circle - Friday Sep 11 - Zoom - 3-4:30pm
Round robin - Syntax and Semantics Circle - Friday Sep 18 - Zoom - 3-4:30pm
Round robin -
Zoom Phonology - Thursday Sep 17 - Zoom - 9-10am
AMP Practice Posters. For the Zoom link and/or to be added to the Zoom Phonology mailing list, contact karee_garvin@berkeley.edu.Myriam Lapierre (UC Berkeley): Two types of [NT]s in Panãra: Evidence from production and perception.
This talk provides articulatory and perceptual phonetic data on Panãra (ISO code: kre), a Northern Jê language of Central Brazil, supporting the existence of a previously undocumented phonological distinction. Maddieson & Ladefoged (1993) note that, while partially nasalized stops are sometimes described as post-oralized nasals and sometimes as pre-nasalized stops, they should have the same phonological representation. Panãra exhibits a distinction between exactly these two types of [NT] sequences, which arise from two distinct phonological processes. The data here is analyzed within the framework of Q Theory, a model of representational phonology which decomposes the segment (Q) subsegments (q q q), providing the level of granularity necessary to distinguish between post-oralized nasals and pre-nasalized stops.
Richard Bibbs (UC Santa Cruz): Align-driven clitic movement in Chamorro.
Prosodically dependent material, or clitics, often have limited distributional patterns subject to positional constraints, such as being unable to occur sentence-initially. Often clitic placement is accounted for syntactically. However, in several languages the position of clitics has been shown to be the result of prosodic factors. Previous work shows the interaction of Match–Theoretic mapping constraints and prosodic well-formedness constraints correctly captures rightward prosodic movement of clitics in Irish; however the use of Match–Theoretic mapping constraints is shown to be insufficient for clitic placement in Chamorro. Instead, alignment mapping constraints, alongside prosodic well-formedness constraints, are required to motivate leftward movement of clitics in Chamorro and correctly capture their linear position.